0

Cart

A trader will contact you with shipping and payment options after checkout. Please note: free samples are provided to commercial roasting businesses only.

Cart subtotal:$0.00
Your cart is empty

Graciela Nape Baltazar

Totula, Puebla, Mexico
Partner since: 2025 Traceable to: 1 household Varietals: Garnica (58%), Mundo Novo (30%), Marsellesa (12%)
Supplier Structure:

Graciela farms and processes on her own small parcel in Rio Bravo, San Esteban Cuautempan, Puebla.

Dec Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun May Jun Jul
harvest
booking
arrivals

Community Context

Sharik Torres and his sister Hanniah founded Puhuac de Méndez for two seemingly straightforward reasons: to showcase the efforts of small-scale specialty producers in northern Puebla, and to generate much-needed additional income in doing so. Before founding the cooperative, Sharik had been a teacher, a veterinarian, and even a zoo technician—certainly far cries from coffee, but recognizing this region’s ascending quality in spite of its near-total lack of market access, he and his sister established a lightweight but effective operation. They cup, classify, and market their members’ coffees. Whether distant family, friends, or neighbors, most of their members’ parcels are less than a hectare in size, yielding 2 – 10 bags per year. All processing is done at home, meaning the quality and longevity of infrastructure varies quite a bit from farm to farm. With the evaporation of USAID funding, it’s challenging to invest meaningfully in equipment, training, or central processing—for now, we at Crop to Cup are instead focusing on the support of agricultural extension officers. In spite of all this, the coffees continue to sing, and we remain committed to sustaining the Good Coffee Program to ensure that these producers have real, transparent motivation to move forward.

Like the other members of the Puhuac de Méndez cooperative, Graciela farms and processes her coffee on her own property. After morningtime picking, cherries are floated, with floaters undergoing a dry process and the fully ripe remainder undergoing a washed process that begins with a 24 hour fermentation in sacks, followed by pulping, followed by 48 – 72 hour wet fermentation before a final washing. Drying begins in the sunny courtyard for ~6 hours before moving to a temperature-stable cylindrical dryer for another 28 hours. Once dried, the coffee is bagged and stored in a dry, well-ventilated place, where it remains for about six before being transported to the cooperative.

Country Context

Coffee has been part of Mexico’s agricultural landscape since the 18th century, and always inextricably entangled with land politics. Production grew steadily through the 20th century, culminating in the 1970s when a farmer-friendly government expanded credit and extension services to smallholders. Over the next two decades, exports surged as farmers planted coffee across the southern states of Chiapas and Oaxaca.

That boom was short-lived. By the 1980s, Mexico’s debt crisis forced the government to withdraw support programs. Credit evaporated, prices collapsed, and farmers were left exposed just as roya and peso volatility added new pressures. In this vacuum, coyotes—middlemen who aggregated parchment from household-level producers—rose to dominance. Their networks remain central to Mexico’s coffee trade, ensuring volumes flow to market at the expense of farmer margins and traceability.

Today, Mexico’s coffee economy is still fragmented. Larger estates, concentrated around Veracruz and Puebla, produce significant volume. But the heart of specialty lies with the millions of smallholders in Chiapas and Oaxaca, where steep, high-altitude plots are farmed largely by indigenous communities. Here, coffee is woven into broader agrarian histories: families pushed higher up the mountains by colonial expansion and later by land reforms, where coffee became one of the few viable cash crops.

For these smallholders, the path to market rarely runs through cooperative structures of the kind seen elsewhere. Formal coops exist, but operate at a commercial-container scale and offer little connection to household-level producers. Instead, coffee moves through layers of aggregation, typically beginning with coyotes at the farmgate and extending upward through larger intermediaries to exporters. Increasingly, though, regional associations and independent organizations are experimenting with new models—like our very own Good Coffee Program, which builds farmer-specific supply chains outside of the coyote system—creating limited but growing alternatives and opening pathways for community and individual-level lots to reach specialty markets.

Domestic consumption is also on the rise, with specialty shops proliferating in cities and reshaping how coffee is valued inside the country. Mexico’s future in coffee rests on this tension: a system still dominated by intermediaries, yet slowly bending toward transparency and smallholder recognition.