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Totutla Women’s Group

Totula, Puebla, Mexico
Partner since: 2024 Traceable to: 4 women-owned and managed farms; (1) Briseida Cabrera Cruz, (2) Emma Tepancalco, (3) Gabriela Hernández dela Cruz, (4) Gema Magali Posadas Manzano Varietals: Typica, Bourbon, Caturra
Supplier Structure:

Smallholder women’s group within Red de Totutla, processing at home wet mills and patios, exporting together for the first time in 2024 with plans to formalize as Cozoltepetl cooperative.

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Community Context

This lot is a separation of coffees grown and delivered by women within the Red de Totutla working group. Farmers Briseida Cabrera Cruz, Gemma Tepancalco, Emma Magali Posadas Manzano, and their neighbor Gabriel Hernández organized to support one another during harvest, pooling cherry and sharing resources. In 2024 they joined the GCP program together, marking their first export season. Like their peers in Totutla, they process coffee at concrete-poured home stations—floating and pulping cherry, applying 8–14 hours of fermentation, then rinsing and transferring parchment to raised beds for initial drying before finishing on patios, often under light-colored tarpaulins. Their next step is to formalize as a cooperative under the name Cozoltepetl—Nahuatl for “Crevices Mountain”—in honor of a hidden shrine to the rain god in local tradition.

Country Context

Coffee has been part of Mexico’s agricultural landscape since the 18th century, and always inextricably entangled with land politics. Production grew steadily through the 20th century, culminating in the 1970s when a farmer-friendly government expanded credit and extension services to smallholders. Over the next two decades, exports surged as farmers planted coffee across the southern states of Chiapas and Oaxaca.

That boom was short-lived. By the 1980s, Mexico’s debt crisis forced the government to withdraw support programs. Credit evaporated, prices collapsed, and farmers were left exposed just as roya and peso volatility added new pressures. In this vacuum, coyotes—middlemen who aggregated parchment from household-level producers—rose to dominance. Their networks remain central to Mexico’s coffee trade, ensuring volumes flow to market at the expense of farmer margins and traceability.

Today, Mexico’s coffee economy is still fragmented. Larger estates, concentrated around Veracruz and Puebla, produce significant volume. But the heart of specialty lies with the millions of smallholders in Chiapas and Oaxaca, where steep, high-altitude plots are farmed largely by indigenous communities. Here, coffee is woven into broader agrarian histories: families pushed higher up the mountains by colonial expansion and later by land reforms, where coffee became one of the few viable cash crops.

For these smallholders, the path to market rarely runs through cooperative structures of the kind seen elsewhere. Formal coops exist, but operate at a commercial-container scale and offer little connection to household-level producers. Instead, coffee moves through layers of aggregation, typically beginning with coyotes at the farmgate and extending upward through larger intermediaries to exporters. Increasingly, though, regional associations and independent organizations are experimenting with new models—like our very own Good Coffee Program, which builds farmer-specific supply chains outside of the coyote system—creating limited but growing alternatives and opening pathways for community and individual-level lots to reach specialty markets.

Domestic consumption is also on the rise, with specialty shops proliferating in cities and reshaping how coffee is valued inside the country. Mexico’s future in coffee rests on this tension: a system still dominated by intermediaries, yet slowly bending toward transparency and smallholder recognition.